Banya Hongsar – Burma’s military elites brutally conquered the nation nearly half a century ago without the rule of law or justice. Power with glory has been the ultimate goal of Burma’s ruling military elites. The calls from opposition figures, legislators, and leaders of ethnic armed groups for peace talks with the new government have been well received by the national and international press.
Historical accounts tell us that the dreams for peace talks are unlikely to become reality unless the mentality of the key players is changed within. The culture of aggression has been deepening within the mindset of the ruling military elites in the country dating back to the 17th century. Exploring for peace is long overdue in the interest of the nation and people of the country. However, evil acts will never achieve peace. Burma’s more than 50 million people deserve a better place to live than the current sorry land. We must examine the brutality of the evil acts of the ruling military elites before seeking alternative ways for peace or peace talks in the country.
The ruling elites have reserved the greatest privileges in Burma for themselves for the past half a century. Power of glory is the fundamental principle of the elites. Militarisation has been the objective and political strategy of the elites to serve their own purpose. The modern Burmese Army (known as Tatmadaw in Burmese) has repositioned itself as the central player of new political institutions of the country since it’s rise to power in 1988. Calls for peace have never been achieved in recent years because the ruling elites have little or no genuine interest in the path of reconciliation. Dissidents, rivals, and key activists have been detained, released, and re-arrested from time to time in the last twenty years. Ceasefire agreements were broken in early 2010; consequently, Burma is back to active armed fighting as of today. It is unlikely that Burma’s ruling class would relinquish its power without any threat.
Mahn Aung Lwin asserted in an article in early August, ‘The suffering of the Burmese people at the hands of their military rulers is undeniable. The irresponsible investments by foreign firms and others are not benefitting the people of Burma, but only contributing to the torture, persecution, and killing of the many ethnic nationals, monks, students, and activists who are struggling for democracy inside Burma’.
Politics is the art of making possible. This statement is merely translated within Burma’s political landscape. The nature of the politics of the country is solely implied within power structures. The ruling class of the military elites have been enjoying the status of being in power as a national institution. The relations between the ruling class and the public has never connected as a genuine, mutually beneficial public–government relationship in the country due to mistrust bred of past experiences and a history of civil conflicts. However, the ruling elites will not compromise with the non-ruling class of the ethnic people in common regional states and territories if the policy of assimilation is not implied within the government’s policies for public matters. The heart of the issue is that Burma’s ruling elites are willing to compromise with democratic activists on education, development, and health matters, but a compromise between the ruling elites and the ethnic leaders will never come to be unless the ethnic leaders do not demand self-determination or federalism in the country. Talks for peace or dialogue could take place in the country only if all opposition groups agree to drop such demands.
According to a Conservative Home (UK) report, “At least 16 countries have expressed support for a Commission of Inquiry [into human rights violations in Burma], including 12 EU member states, as well as the United States, Canada and Australia. Former UN Rapporteurs Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Yozo Yokota support it. Fourteen Nobel Laureates, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Mikhail Gorbachev, and Elie Wiesel, have called for it. Some of the world’s leading jurists have recommended it. Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly expressed her support, particularly when she addressed the US Congress by video link in June. Now is the time to work proactively to build up further support and propose it at the UN General Assembly in October.” This report has given a warning sign to the president and his new cabinets that they must do something to contain the spread of this campaign in the coming weeks.
The newly formed government has played a win-win game within the country and also in the international arena. The president has made extra efforts to protect his former boss, Senior General Than Shwe, from being charged for crimes again humanity under the proposed UN Commission of Inquiry. He needs Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the most prominent figure of the democratic movement in the country, as a counterattack to the UN’s effort. The president sent his messenger spokesman to meet Daw Suu in early August. On the other hand, the government also attempted to foster good relationships with the US and EU in early 2011 with two aims: to contain pressure for the UN Commission of Inquiry, and to have the sanctions against the country lifted.
It will be the government’s gain and opposition’s pain if the political calculation goes the president’s way. The consequences of ethnic conflicts exacerbated by Burmese authorities create challenges for a peaceful Burma. In such a situation, nobody would say Burma is on the road to democracy under a civil administrative system. While the ethnic population is under attack, the majority of the people will not believe the Burmese government has a genuine desire for peace. The average population disapproves of the government’s so-called peacemaking process as duplicity, asserted Zin Linn, Burma’s observer and political activist-in-exile in early August.
According to Mizzima News, Lower House MPs will put forward suggestions to achieve peace in Kachin State during the second regular session of the Union Parliament, which will start on August 22. Lower House MP Dwe Bu of the Unity and Democracy Party of Kachin State (UDPKS) said that she would discuss the armed conflict in Kachin State in parliament. UDPKS is a Kachin Party that is reportedly backed by the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). The ruling elites have little time in both fronts of politics. Containing the spread of active armed fighting in Kachin and Shan States is an urgent matter necessary for appeasing Western and opposition pressure to buy time for peace talks. Both issues are a life-and-death matter for President Thein Sein and his cabinet.
A century of mistrust between ruling elites and non-ruling political activists has caused the nation to be damaged and destroyed by its own political conflicts with a lack of vision and leadership in modern times. A call for peace is a gain for president and a pain for the opposition because, in fact, the government walks and talks with its own agenda. The president could avoid the pressure of the UN Commission of Inquiry, as well as reduce the sanctions of the US and EU, if peace talks get under way. This would be a win for him and a loss for the rest.
The ruling elites recruited their own hand picked, high-ranking military officials for the new government for the sake of their security and the welfare of their families beyond the term of the government. Peace talks are a kind of show for the president so that he can sell more tickets for investment and raise revenue for his tenure into the next election. Overall, constitutional change will not be on the agenda at all. Peace talks, as proposed by MPs and ethnic leaders, are good for the public interest, but evil acts must be watched carefully during any talks. Seeking peace for all is a noble task, but the mission is impossible unless altruistic intentions are universal.
A culture of disloyalty is the legacy of Burma’s elites from the 17th to 20th century of the ruling classes. The ruling classes killed and forced their rivals into exile over the centuries. Historically, Daw Suu’s father, General Aung San, the leader of Burma, was assassinated in 1947 by his rivals. Lessons must be learnt by his daughter and others on the road to power or glory. Otherwise, brutality and other acts of evil will continue to rule the rest of this century in Burma.
