By Nai Banyar Hongsar, Mon Writer’s Club – The Mon People continues to insist unity amongst all ethnicities in Burma, as is representative of the historical ethnic diversity of Burma. The new Mon ruling elite, namely the leaders and key figures of Mon organisations, has repeatedly called for the foundation of a “Federal Union” of Burma over the past twenty years. This new generation of leaders are well educated, much like the public officials who passed through various universities and colleges in the 1970s and 80s. Now is a golden opportunity for the forging of Burma’s new political landscape. The ruling elite from all ethnicities must unite and work together in this new Burmese era, which is ripe for reform and institutionalised equality.
Mon leaders in Burma have been disappearing over the last sixty years, ever since the nation gained independence from Britain in 1947. A relatively small population of Mon people have survived and maintained the Mon identity since the loss of the last Mon sovereign rule in 1757. After 255 years of statelessness, searching for a new Mon leadership is not just an interest amongst the Mon people, but also a serious step in the new political transformation of Burma into a truly democratic state. The upcoming general elections are planned to be held in 2015 and are expected to be free and fair. My own assessment of the political nature of Mon state is that it will take one thousand days for a new generation of ruling elites to be found, and for Mon politicians to be elected at the state and regional level. The key question to ask now is who will represent Mon state as leaders in the post 2010 election era of Burma and beyond?
The Mon ruled lower modern day Burma from 6th century A.D. until 17th century A.D., culminating in over two thousand years of rule. The ruling class, history and literature of the Mon era was accorded and revered. The current Mon leadership has emerged from the post-second world war era of Burma, emerging amongst the fight for independence from Britain. Consequently, the Mon National Defence Army and its parent organisation, the Mon People’s Front, were formed in 1948. A decade on, in 1958, the New Mon State Party and its armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army, were formed. During the 2010 general election, the formerly registered Mon National Democratic Front (formed in 1988) and then newly formed All Mon Regions Democratic Party, collectively won seven seats. The Mon political forces are yet to completely unite however, the new generation of Mon leaders are successfully fostering a vibrant political network moving towards a brighter future.
It is true that the leaders of this new emerging Mon political movement are well informed in local, national and international affairs; much like their Burmese peers. This new Mon leadership group are emerging after a long process of self-realisation and the successful forging of a strong political identity. It is also true that after sixty years of personal sacrifice for the great good of the Mon people, these leaders deserve to be afforded public and international recognition for their national building progress. However, these Mon leaders desperately require more space in the Burmese political system or more adequate political weight, if the trend of ‘including political participation’ is to be guaranteed. Such arguments are supported by the US lead pro-democracy organisations interested in Burmese politics.
At present, a list of prominent Mon leaders could be counted at over one hundred. This lengthy rollcall is thanks to the mastery of networking and activism, led by the New Mon State Party, over the past sixty years. The newly formed Mon Affairs Union is currently out front, leading and coordinating the entire political force and has been campaigning for a solid framework underlying Mon politics. The MAU advocated in their previous conference for the formation a Mon political party in the form of a ‘congress of the people’ parliament. In order for the Mon leadership’s wishes to survive this period of change, a collective Mon leadership must be under the model of parliamentary democracy.
The Mon-Burmese ruling elites who were prominent among the former socialist party and the current military-civilian government will never fully disappear from the bureaucratic realm in Burma. Mon-Burmese refers to those who identify either as Burmese or Mon-Burmese in major cities such as Rangoon, Pegu, Moulmein and Tavoy, and are working in any administration for the democratic future of Burma. The Mon-Burmese bureaucratic community is quite sizable, though such a list has not been made public. If this community were to be given a further role in the national political movement in the lead up to 2015, the Mon leaders and bureaucrats would be in a better position to secure popular votes in the coming election.
The current leadership circle of the New Mon State Party, All Mon Regions Democratic Front and Mon National Democratic Front and Mon Youth Organizations has a daunting task ahead of them. The greatest test facing the Mon leadership is to secure 70% of the popular vote in Mon state during the coming elections. In order to achieve such public support, the Mon leadership, organizations and bureaucrats need to implement all required political operational skills and public relations programs. Further, the three prominent Mon political forces (NMSP, AMRDP and MNDF) ought to work in unison and call the public to action. The newly appointed Mon Peace Negotiation Committee Chief, Nai Rot Sar who is a member of NMSP, has the task of orchestrating such unity ahead of him. Nai Rot Sar has had extensive experience, acting as the master of the Mon political operation room over the last thirty years. This is his last chance to re-install the Mon leadership constitutionally, supported not only by the ruling government of Myanmar, but the US administration and so too the United Nations.
Aging politicians from the 1940s era have been searching for a new generation to take over. Leaders such as Nai Rot Sa, Nai Hongsa and Nai Haw Mon of the NMSP, along with the bureaucrats of Moulmein and Rangoon, have such an opportunity in the current strengthening of the Mon political movement. These coming years will be a test of leadership for all of Burma.
There is no doubt that in the game of politics, there will always be winners and losers. In the April by-elections 48 seats will be open for election, are to be contested by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s party and its alliance. Contesting with the NLD and USDP for the popular vote will be a new and arduous battle for the Mon leadership. Such a battle could be considered more complex and difficult to succeed in even compared to the past 60 years of armed conflict.
The craft of ruling a nation has survived within the Mon nation and history. It was not by chance that the Mon ruled lower Burma for over two thousand years. The time has come for the Mon leadership to recapitalise their assets and resources, which have been inherited from the 17th century Mon kingdom. It is said that the Great King Rajadhirits final words to his troops, spoken in the ‘golden’ 13th century, were “if you are determined to start your journey, you shall reach your destination.” After 255 years, the journey to reclaim Mon nationhood has once again begun. This step must not be a misstep.
